Former President Ram Nath Kovind said India successfully held simultaneous elections until 1967. In his new autobiography, TRIUMPH of the INDIAN REPUBLIC, he noted that the country now has much greater institutional and technological capacity. He shared his journey from a small village to Rashtrapati Bhavan to inspire many young students.
Former President Ram Nath Kovind, whose autobiography TRIUMPH of the INDIAN REPUBLIC -- My Life, My Struggles was recently released, has said that India successfully held simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies until 1967, when the country had far fewer administrative and technological resources, considerably less infrastructure and a nascent electoral system. Today, he said, India's institutional and technological capacities are much greater.
In an exclusive interview with Santwana Bhattacharya, Editor, The New Indian Express; Jayanth Jacob, Chief of National Bureau; and Rajesh Kumar Thakur, Senior Assistant Editor, Kovind spoke about his journey from a village in Kanpur Dehat to Rashtrapati Bhavan, the making of his autobiography, his years in public life and the recommendations of the High-Level Committee on Simultaneous Elections, which he chaired. Excerpts:
What prompted you to write your autobiography, TRIUMPH of the INDIAN REPUBLIC -- My Life, My Struggles?
I have spent much of my public life working quietly and keeping a low profile. After I left the office of President of India, many well-wishers told me that I underestimated the value of my own journey and experiences, and that my story could resonate with students, youngsters and aspiring leaders. Finally, I decided to write the autobiography. I want fellow citizens, particularly youngsters, to know the story behind the public life they may have seen from a distance.
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For a boy from a rural and socio-economically disadvantaged background, there was no reason to imagine that one day he would enter Rashtrapati Bhavan. That journey represents a lifetime of opportunities, struggles, setbacks and responsibilities, and the support and goodwill of countless people. If my autobiography can give even one student or a youth the confidence to believe that circumstances need not determine the course of their life, I would consider the effort worthwhile.
The book was released by PM Narendra Modi. Did writing it change the way you look back at your journey -- from Paraunkh to Raisina Hill?
No, the process did not change the way I look at my journey. But it did make me pause and wonder: how did I travel such a long distance -- from a small village like Paraunkh in Kanpur Dehat to Raisina Hill?
Whatever I have been able to accomplish owes much to the transformative power of education and, above all, to the Indian Republic. I benefited from a Constitution that promises equality, parliamentary democracy that gives every citizen a voice, and institutions that allow a person to rise through merit and public service.
I often think of my journey as a reflection of the possibilities that India holds. I came from a humble background, but the doors of opportunity were open to me. Education helped me walk through those doors; constitutional values and democratic institutions ensured that they remained open. If writing the book changed anything, it was not my understanding of my journey, but my gratitude for the country that made it possible.
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You had a political background in the BJP before becoming President. Did you feel this was something you had to consciously overcome to establish the non-partisan character of the presidency?
I had been associated with a political party before becoming President, but the moment I assumed office, my responsibility was no longer to any political organisation. It was to the Constitution and to the people of India. The President represents the Republic as a whole -- every citizen and every section of society -- people of every caste, religion, region and gender, as well as people belonging to different political affiliations and those who may have no political affiliation at all. That is the essence of the presidency.
You served through two different governments. Was there a particular moment during your presidency when you felt especially proud to be the First Citizen of India?
I felt proud to be the First Citizen of India throughout my presidency. But if I were to recall one particular period, it would be the difficult months of the COVID-19 pandemic.
India was facing an unprecedented challenge. We worked to vaccinate our citizens while overcoming massive logistical, manufacturing and geographical challenges. We also extended help to many small countries. In several cases, vaccines were provided free of cost. I remember this particularly from my visit to St Vincent and the Grenadines, where the Prime Minister expressed his gratitude to India and told me that the vaccines India had provided had helped protect a large part of their population.
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You chaired the eight-member High-Level Committee on One Nation, One Election (ONOE), whose report runs into more than 18,000 pages. What was the single biggest constitutional challenge the committee encountered while framing its recommendations?
One of the central constitutional questions before the committee was how to synchronise the terms of the state legislative assemblies with that of the Lok Sabha so that elections to both could be held together.
After examining the constitutional and practical dimensions, the committee concluded that the most workable approach would require a constitutional amendment. The terms of the state assemblies would have to be brought into alignment with the term of the Lok Sabha through a one-time notification issued by the President.
If the Lok Sabha or a state assembly is dissolved before completing its full term, a fresh poll would be held for the remainder of that five-year term. This would allow the electoral cycle to operate in a synchronised manner, creating a more predictable electoral calendar and allowing governments, political parties, administrators and citizens to devote greater attention to governance and development between elections. The committee proposed a two-step process: simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies, followed by local body polls within 100 days.
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Given India's enormous geographical, political and administrative diversity, is this logistically achievable?
Yes, the committee found the proposal to be both workable and logistically achievable. This is not an entirely new experiment for India. Our country successfully held simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and state assemblies until 1967. The scale of elections has certainly increased, and that is a logistical challenge. But the answer to a larger election is to strengthen the systems required to conduct it. The Election Commission and the government would need to augment polling infrastructure, electronic voting machines and related equipment, security arrangements, personnel and other administrative resources in proportion to the scale of the exercise.
The committee examined these requirements and consulted a wide variety of stakeholders, including four former chief election commissioners. The exercise will require careful preparation and additional resources, but our assessment was that it is well within the country's institutional and administrative capacity.
Do you believe we've moved sufficiently towards the egalitarian society envisaged by Dr B R Ambedkar?
Yes, I believe India has travelled a very long distance towards the inclusive society that Dr Ambedkar envisioned. At Independence, India was emerging from nearly two centuries of British colonial rule while carrying social divisions that had accumulated over generations. Right after Independence, India created a constitutional order based on equal citizenship, universal adult franchise and fundamental rights.
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We have not yet completed 100 years as an independent Republic, and yet the journey from 1947 to now is extraordinary. For the journey that remains, I place great faith in the transformative power of modern education, which can be the great equaliser -- opening doors of opportunity, breaking the hold of inherited prejudices and teaching us to see every individual, above all, as a fellow citizen of equal dignity.
You have written about education and social empowerment. What message of Dr Ambedkar do you think today's youth most need to rediscover?
His message was that even when we seek change, we must protect the constitutional framework that makes democratic change possible. For today's generation, I would put it very simply: question freely, disagree fearlessly, demand change -- but do so through constitutional means.
That is not merely a lesson from our past. It is one of the habits that will keep our Republic strong in the future.
What concerns you most about the quality of political discourse today?
Differences of opinion are natural -- and even necessary -- in a democracy. What I would hope to see is that, despite these differences, the national interest and public welfare remain the common ground on which all political parties stand.
Political competition is a legitimate part of democracy, but it should not become an end in itself. Elections come and go; governments change; political parties gain and lose power. The nation and its people remain.
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Which constitutional amendment, in your view, has been the most transformative for social justice -- and why?
It is difficult to single out one amendment. But if I had to identify one that has had particularly transformative long-term significance, I would point to the 86th Constitutional Amendment, which made the right to education for children between six and fourteen a fundamental right through Article 21A.
The 73rd and 74th Amendments are also significant. By strengthening self-government and providing reservations for women and Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in local bodies, they brought democratic participation closer to the people. The broader lesson is that social justice is not achieved by one provision or an amendment. It requires a combination of equality, affirmative action, access to education, political representation and economic opportunity.
